Sumario:
GERION. Revista de Historia Antigua
Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Anejo IX (2005)
Más información / Texto completo
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La figura del príncipe heredero en época helenística
Este volumen recoge las actas correspondientes al simposio internacional celebrado
en la Universidad de La Coruña los días 11 a 13 de septiembre de 2003 bajo el
título La figura del príncipe heredero en época helenística.
5. Sumario
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9. Introducción
ALONSO, Víctor
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Algunas precisiones lingüísticas
B. TORRES, José
15
Resumen: El autor revisa la evidencia lingüística relativa a y como formas de expresar las nociones de “heredero” y “heredar”. Se propone una explicación para el hecho de que la lengua griega prefiera estas voces (no o ) cuando se refiere al heredero de la diadema.
The author reviews the linguistic evidence relative to and as ways to express the notions “heir”, “to be heir”. An explanation is proposed for the fact that Greek language prefers these terms (not or ) when referring to the heir to the diadem.
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Le prince héritier à Sparte
CARLIER, Pierre
21
Resumen: In each of the two Spartan royal families, a precise dynastic nomos regulates successions. The first son who is born after his father’s accession is considered from childhood as the heir apparent. He is exempted from the agôgè; when he has reached adulthood, he may be chosen as commander-in-chief of the civic army. Such a situation, which is exceptional among Greek kingships, is probably linked with the fact that the Spartan dyarchy is an element of the constitutional kosmos of the city.
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La designación del sucesor en el antiguo reino de Macedonia
FERNÁNDEZ NIETO, Francisco Javier
29
Resumen: The successor’s figure in the Temenid house tends in historical times to be established by means of the inheritance from fathers to sons. There are more possibilities for the first-born son of each marriage. It is impossible to establish if it was an original system that favours the brothers. The royal will is the rule that regulates successory order. Bearing in mind every antecedents, the Macedonian Assembly consolidated very simple rules for the alternation of the kings. The potential candidates receive a special education. The candidate who was called to be promoted, could be associated, with no title, into representatives, administratives and governmental functions.
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Philippos III. Arrhidaios und Alexandros IV. “von Amun auserwählt”
FUNKE, Peter
45
Resumen: The starting point of the present contribution is an as yet unsolved problem that results from the sources on the reign of Philip the Third and Alexander the Fourth. While all literary evidence and most inscriptions from Mainland Greece and the Aegean Islands leave no doubt as to the fact that they both ruled as kings with equal rights (symbasileia), there is so far no evidence for this ‘Samtherrschaft’ (Habicht) from the regions conquered by Alexander the Great. This discrepancy is considered in the framework of the evidence available and of the current research on the topic, and explained as a result of the need to establish a kind of rule that would be acceptable for the newly-conquered parts of the empire. Attention focuses on the Egyptian royal titles of Philip the Third and Alexander the Fourth. The form of those titles, which in their turn do not reveal any sign of symbasileia, is at the same time evidence for the changing power relations between the two kings and the (still) Satrap Ptolemy.
Den Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung bildet eine bis heute ungelöste Aporie, die sich aus den Aussagen der Quellen über die Herrschaft Philipps III. Und Alexanders IV. ergibt. Während die historiographischen Berichte und die moisten epigraphischen Dokumente aus dem mutterländischen und ägäischen Bereich der griechischen Staatenwelt keinen Zweifel daran lassen, daß beide Herrscher als Könige gleichen Rechtes (symbasileia) ihre Macht ausübten, findet sich in den bisher bekannten Urkunden aus den durch Alexander den Großen unterworfenen Reichsteilen kein einziger Hinweis auf eine solche „Samtherrschaft“ (Habicht). Diese Diskrepanz wird auf der Basis des derzeitigen Quellenstandes und der aktuellen Forschungsdiskussion herausgearbeitet und aus dem Bedürfnis heraus erklärt, eine für die unterworfenen Reichsteile angemessene und akzeptable Herrschaftsform zu etablieren. Einen Schwerpunkt der Untersuchung bildet die Analyse der ägyptischen Königstitulaturen Philipps III. und Alexanders IV.. Die Ausgestaltung der Titulaturen, die ebenfalls keine symbasileia erkennen lassen, ist zugleich auch ein Indikator für das sich wandelnde Machtverhältnis zwischen den beiden Königen und dem (noch) Satrapen Ptolemaios.
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L’héritier du diadème chez les Antigonides
LE BOHEC-BOUHET, Sylvie
57
Resumen: In the Antigonid dynasty, the heir of the throne was the eldest son of the king and the designation of the new king was happening without difficulties. Apart from the case of Demetrios, the younger son of Philip V, the Macedonian royal house did not suffer dynastic murders. The events around Philip’s succession show that the king could appoint an other heir if he wanted to. As so far we know, there is no word to designate the “crown prince” who, probably, was introduced by his father to the Firsts of the Macedonians and to the Assembly. The king prepared his heir to his future task by giving him a good education and associating him to various political activities. In some cases, for diplomatic reasons, the king could choose a wife for his heir. In many occasions, when the father received honours from individuals or from cities, the royal heir was associated.
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Kronprinzentum und Realpolitik. Bemerkungen zur Thronanwartschaft, Mitregentschaft und Thronfolge unter den ersten vier Ptolemäern
BURASELIS, Kostas
91
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Prinzen und Prinzessinnen bei den späten Ptolemäern
GEHRKE, Hans-Joachim
103
Resumen: This contribution investigates the role and the position of the Ptolemaic princes from the death of Ptolemy V up to the reign of Cleopatra VII, especially in times of war and internal trouble. It concludes tentatively that the monarchic system was more stable during this period than one normally tends to admit. This was particularly due to the people of Alexandria’s loyalty to the kingdom and the dynasty.
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Kronprinzen in der Monarchie der Attaliden?
HABICHT, Christian
119
Resumen: The paper briefly discusses how succession worked for the (childless) dynasts of Pergamon and then discusses the cases that occurred once the monarchy had been established. King Attalos I was succeeded by Eumenes II, the eldest of his four sons. Eumenes’own son Attalos, not yet of age at his father’s death, did not follow him at once. Instead, Attalos II succeeded his brother, to be followed after his own death, two decades later, by Attalos III. It is argued that this sequence reflects an agreement between the brothers and that Attalos II was for a time co-ruler of Eumenes, with the title of King.
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El reino del Ponto
BALLESTEROS PASTOR, Luis
127
Resumen: The dynasty of Pontus shared influences from both the Hellenic and Persian civilizations. Therefore, the education of the “crown prince” might have aspects characteristic of the Achaemenid world: hunting on horseback, ordeals with poisons, and survival isolated in the country. However, the information we have reflects that the Greek paideía prevailed. The heir to the diadem, eldest son of the king, had been assigned military tasks as a general, and could be named as governor of some territories under Pontic rule. Together with the heir, it seems that the last Mithridatids gave a special role to another prince, probably to prevent successory troubles.
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Nabis: un prince hellénistique ?
BIRGALIAS, Nikos
139
Resumen: The purpose of this study is to explore the extent to which Nabis can be included among the Hellenistic rulers, the principles upon which his political model was based and how we can interpret his policies. With this purpose in mind, the political situation that prevailed in Sparta prior to Nabis’s rule, his assumption of power, his political and social reforms and his foreign policy are explored. Nabis is approached as the type of figure who, exploiting social disorder, establishes a regime of personalised power that enjoys popular support, thus enabling him to institute a new order of things. This study concludes that, as regards the changes that he brought about to Sparta’s social and political structures, Nabis appears as a “traditional” reformer within the context of the city-state. On the contrary, as for the political system that he applied and the foreign policy that he exercised, he comes across as a Hellenistic ruler. Nabis, in other words, attempted to combine reform on the level of the polis with the model of the supra-polis king of the Hellenistic era.
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Agathokles und Hieron II. Zwei basileis in hellenistischer Zeit und die Frage ihrer Nachfolge
HAAKE, Matthias
153
Resumen: The aim of this contribution is to analyze an aspect of the reigns of Agathocles and Hiero II of Syracuse, namely, the question of succession in their monarchic position. The contribution starts with an outline of how the two kings organized their respective succession. Then, explanations are suggested for the different arrangements adopted by the two of them. Finally, the contribution addresses the question of why Agathocles and Hiero failed in their project of creating a dynasty by establishing a successor.
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I Magi e l’educazione del principe
MASTROCINQUE, Attilio
177
Resumen: The Oriental Magi and Chaldaeans were tutors of the crown princes in Assyrian, Babylonian and Persian traditions. That fact explains the dedication of Berossos' work to Antiochus of Syria, for he was a Chaldaean and Antiochus the appointed successor of Seleucus I. The special education of Oriental crown princes could enable us to focus the passage of Mt. 2.1-12 about the visit of Oriental Magi to Jesus.
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La paideia del príncipe y la ideología helenística de la realeza
ALONSO TRONCOSO, Víctor
185
Resumen: This paper is not a study about the possible contents of royal education, nor about the princes’ teachers. It does not primarily deal with the kings’ cultural politics in the Hellenistic age either. Our main concern here is to asses the importance of paideia as an element of the ideology of Hellenistic kingship. The main question to be answered is this: In which texts and in which terms is the relationship between paideia and basileia made explicit? Contemporary sources bore direct witness to this relationship and will thereby constitute the basis for our analysis. Three dynasties will be considered preferentially, the Ptolemies, the Attalids and the Antigonids, because of the quality of the sources about them.
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La «maison de succession» à l’époque néo-assyrienne
MONTERO FENOLLÓS, Juan-Luis
205
Resumen: This paper is a study, through archaeological, iconographic and textual documentation, about an essential institution in the neo-assyrian monarchy succession system. This institution is the bīt ridûti or the «house of succession», which was the residence of “crown prince” in Assyria in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.
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La figura del sucesor del Gran Rey en la Persia aqueménida
GARCÍA SÁNCHEZ, Manel
223
Resumen: Classical sources are rich in data about the Successor to the throne in the Achaemenid Empire. Thanks to other sources such as royal inscriptions, Babylonian documents or the reliefs in Persepolis, we do not only know something more about the Great King’s successor, but they also enable us to test the reliability of the classics, deciding in each case if it is possible or not to carry prudence to the extremes on a succession which was marked, too often, by fratricidal struggle and harem intrigues.
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241. Conclusiones Generales
ALONSO TRONCOSO, Víctor
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